It appears even to be gaining traction. The Hart and Risley study is far from perfect, he concluded. But just as in other early intervention programs, the increases were temporary. Post was not sent - check your email addresses! Journal content Copyright © 2020 Education Next Institute, Inc. Straight Up Conversation: LEAP Innovations CEO Phyllis Lockett. Kids living in poverty have as much language support as other kids. But what appears to have fed the wholesale “debunking” narrative was a news report by NPR reporter Anya Kamenetz, pegged to the Sperry study, and soliciting to the views of language researchers on the twenty-five-year old Hart and Risley study. The first families we recruited to participate in the study came from personal contacts: friends who had babies and families who had had children in the Turner House Preschool. Child’s Play, Learning, and Development Lab, Douglas Sperry, Linda Sperry, and Peggy Miller, affirm a large difference between both the amount and quality of language used in parent-child interactions associated with socio-economic disparity, for children just beginning their language-learning journey, speech directed to them by their caregivers, differences in children’s language growth, The New Humanism: Technology should enhance, not replace, human interactions, Early Childhood Development: the Promise, the Problem, and the Path Forward, Should schools reopen? He also pointed out that the recent Sperry work didn’t include a group of “professional parents,” rendering it a non-attempt at replication. If the narrative holds—if it becomes accepted wisdom that children from low-income households have enough exposure to spoken language to do well in school, that “quality versus quantity” doesn’t matter, that overheard language is sufficient, or if merely talking about how language is employed by various socioeconomic groups makes us uncomfortable, then “efforts to increase children’s language exposure and enhance its quality may be treated as suspect,” noted Hirsh-Pasek and her co-authors. Try this experiment. Language is the currency of education and is associated with reading ability, income, healthcare outcomes, and high school graduation rates. Education Next is a journal of opinion and research about education policy. “In four years, an average child in a professional family would accumulate experience with almost 45 million words, an average child in a working-class family 26 million words, and an average child in a welfare family 13 million words,” they wrote. Who cares?” Kathy Hirsh-Pasek, the Director of Temple University’s Infant Language Laboratory tells me. By the age of 34-36 months, the children were also talking and using numbers of different words very similar to the averages of their parents (see the table below).
There are observable, measurable differences in the early language environments of children that have significant impact on their education. Paraprofessionals & school-related personnel, Meaningful Differences in the Everyday Experiences of Young American Children. Let’s start with the new science.
But we also see the risk to our nation and its children that makes intervention more urgent than ever.
Aren’t you aware that study has been rejected? Narrowing achievement gaps and social inequities requires closing gaps in this important area of early experience. Further, we do not support their conclusion nor the policy implications that arise in its wake. Then we sent recruiting letters selectively in order to maintain the gender balance and the representation of socioeconomic strata. We followed the children until they turned three years old. We realized that if we were to understand how and when differences in developmental trajectories began, we needed to see what was happening to children at home at the very beginning of their vocabulary growth. We learned from the longitudinal data that the problem of skill differences among children at the time of school entry is bigger, more intractable, and more important than we had thought. We see why our brief, intense efforts during the War on Poverty did not succeed. During the 1960's War on Poverty, we were among the many researchers, psychologists, and educators who brought our knowledge of child development to the front line in an optimistic effort to intervene early to forestall the terrible effects that poverty was having on some children's academic growth. In a 5,200-hour year, the amount would be 11.2 million words for a child in a professional family, 6.5 million words for a child in a working-class family, and 3.2 million words for a child in a welfare family. Our data provide us, however, a first approximation to the absolute magnitude of children's early experience, a basis sufficient for estimating the actual size of the intervention task needed to provide equal experience and, thus, equal opportunities to children living in poverty. The first priority was to obtain a range in demographics, and the second was stability—we needed families likely to remain in the longitudinal study for several years.
There is no word gap. Poverty kids have as much language support as other kids. The study has drawn fire virtually from the day it was published, but a significant new reconsideration gathered steam with a “failed replication” published last Spring in Child Development by Douglas Sperry, Linda Sperry, and Peggy Miller, which claimed that low-income children hear far more spoken language than Hart and Risley captured and accounted for, finding “substantial variation” within various socioeconomic groups and criticizing as too narrow Hart and Risley’s definitions of children’s verbal environments, which “exclude multiple caregivers and bystander talk disproportionately [and] underestimate the number of words to which low‐income children are exposed.”, “Is it 5000? On the whole, there’s still pretty good reason to think there’s an association between SES and child-directed speech from parents.”, But here we are a year later, and the idea that Hart and Risley have been debunked is still rattling around. Though subsequent research has supported a word gap, a recent “failed replication” published in the journal Child Development challenges the original Hart and Risley … We wondered whether the differences we saw at age 3 would be washed out, like the effects of a preschool intervention, as the children's experience broadened to a wider community of competent speakers. In fact, a recent study by Amy Pace and her colleagues found that a child’s language competency in kindergarten predicts later language, math, reading, and social abilities up to 5th grade and is the best early indicator of success. We saw increasing disparity between the extremes—the fast vocabulary growth of the professors' children and the slow vocabulary growth of the Turner House children. Over time, they concluded, this word gap snowballs so much that by age 4, children in rich families have been exposed to 32 million more words than children in poorer ones. The average child in a welfare family, though, was accumulating five affirmatives and 11 prohibitions per hour, a ratio of 1 encouragement to 2 discouragements.
Program on Education Policy and Governance Behaviorally, infancy is a unique time of helplessness when nearly all of children's experience is mediated by adults in one-to-one interactions permeated with affect.
“The reason that [Hart and Risley] bothered giving any kind of calculation at all was just because there’s a difference there. Perhaps the most critical problem with the purported “failed replication” is that the newly published research is not a replication. Vocabulary use at age 3 was strongly associated with scores on both the PPVT-R (r = .57) and the TOLD (r = .72).
In one planned intervention in Kansas City, Kans., we used our experience with clinical language intervention to design a half-day program for the Turner House Preschool, located in the impoverished Juniper Gardens area of the city. Vocabulary use at age 3 was equally predictive of measures of language skill at age 9-10. We can extrapolate similarly the relative differences the data showed in children's hourly experience with parent affirmatives (encouraging words) and prohibitions. Because of this new research, we avoid using the term “30 million word gap,” as it …
A linear extrapolation from the averages in the observational data to a 100-hour week (given a 14-hour waking day) shows the average child in the professional families with 215,000 words of language experience, the average child in a working-class family provided with 125,000 words, and the average child in a welfare family with 62,000 words of language experience. Despite the considerable range in vocabulary size among the children, 86 percent to 98 percent of the words recorded in each child's vocabulary consisted of words also recorded in their parents' vocabularies. From our preschool data we had been confident that the rate of vocabulary growth would predict later performance in school; we saw that it did. But an average child in a welfare family would have accumulated 125,000 more instances of prohibitions than encouragements. We depend on future studies to refine this estimate. The original study that noted a 30 million word gap calculated amount of talk in the highest income families (the “professional” group) vs the lowest income families (the “welfare” group). “A child sitting in a high chair who hears, for example, ‘Juice. However many new words we taught the children in the preschool, it was clear that a year later, when the children were in kindergarten, the effects of the boost in vocabulary resources would have washed out. We had examined the correlations between the quantities of each of those features and several outcome measures relating to children's language accomplishments.
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